“韓国で最も急務なことは名称を正すこと” (中央日報 2016年 1月 25日)

中央日報

“韓国で最も急務なことは名称を正すこと”

2016年 1月 25日

 

パストリッチ エマニュエル

 

韓国経済と政治に対する一般国民の不満が途方もない。政府や企業が表明する優先順位と、庶民生活の間の乖離がますます大きくなっている。乖離深化の元凶である「悪い人々」が誰なのか明らかにするという欲求が、国民の間で漸増している。

権限のある地位にいる中の多くの人々が、普通の人々が直面している苦境について無関心なことも事実だ。だが彼らが、国家政策と庶民の経済的現実の間の断絶を招いた原因ではない。それよりも市民と統治者の間にあるものとして受け入れられている契約が崩壊したことが本当の原因だ。

このような根源的な問題を理解するための最善の方法は、どの政治家が最近何の話をしたのか繰り返し言うことではない。孔子にとって最も重要な政治的命題である「正名」を調べる方がより良い。孔子は、名称と現実の間の距離を「正名」が狭められるとみた。すなわち制度と職能を記述する時に私たちが使う「名称」、そして制度と職能が時間の中で進化して変化する「現実」との間に存在する不一致を縮小させられる手段が「正名」だと孔子は把握したのだ。

私たちは政府・大学・弁護士・医師・企業のような制度や職能の名称を使う時、その名称を理解していると考える。だが、このような制度や職能が遂行する機能は過去10年間余り、特にこの5年間で急速に変化した。例えば銀行は技術的に進化したし、劇的な方式で世界化されることによって銀行が社会の中で遂行する機能と目的が根本的に変わった。悲しくもどのメディアも「銀行」や「国会」のような制度がどのように変化しているのか、一歩引いて考えてみようとしない。メディアが名称をこれまでどおり使い続けるので一般国民の混乱が加重されている。

私たちの目に映る街中や建物は以前と比べ特に変わっていないものと思われる。だが学校や政府機関、企業は機能と目的の面で過去とは完全に違ったものに変化した。社会の多くの不満は、このような制度がすることに対する既成観念と変化した現実の間の格差から起因するものだ。

恐らく私たちが「政治」と呼ぶ文化空間ほど紛らわしく、また「正名」が必要な領域はないだろう。現在韓国で使っている「政治」という用語は日本から輸入されたものだ。政府の政策決定をめぐる多様な利益集団間の活動を意味する通称だ。

ところで「政治」という新しい概念は、従来の礼(人と機関の間の関係についての哲学)と政(ガバナンスの学問)と義(義務)を1つに結合した。伝統韓国社会では礼・政・義は個別的な概念であり、それぞれ明白に定義された概念だった。この3つを合わせた政治は概念的な混乱を生み、混乱は今日まで持続している。

まず政治哲学的な意味の政治である「礼」は、理想的な人間社会とは何か、どのように組織されなければならないのかに対する根本的な概念だ。美学や形而上学の領域を含む最も高い次元の政治だ。政治哲学は、非実用的だとか曖昧ではいけない。また政治的な実践がむなしい儀礼や近視眼的な駆け引きに転落しないよう絶えず再解釈されなければならない。

その次には、ガバナンスを意味する「政」側面の政治がある。政策と法制定と実行の概念で政府を運営して調整する技術を意味する。「政」は機械工学と似ている面がある。複合的なシステムの構造、そして対立して取りまとめる力のバランスを含むためだ。

最後に、利益と影響力を意味する政治がある。現代政治のこのような側面と完ぺきに相応する概念は、前近代世界では存在しなかった。だが恐らく最も近接したものは「義務と結束」である「義」の概念だ。

影響力と権威を利用して財政的利益を得たり、反対にお金を利用して影響力と権威を得たりするプロセスは複合的な社会からは決して完全に除去できない。すべての財政的影響力で抑圧を試みるのは共産主義体制という危険な絶対主義に向かう道の扉を開くことだ。しかし政治のビジネスの側面は、ただ政治プロセスの一部分でなければならない。これが先に述べた「礼」と「政」の領域を完全に分けてしまうように許容しては決していけない。

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The Asia Institute Seminar Series 2016

The Asia Institute Seminar Series 2016

tai seminar series 2016 cover

This collection of recent Asia Institute seminars on critical topics features some of the most important figures of our age. Please feel free to download a version from this page.

 

Participating scholars:

 

PROFESSOR HENRY ROSOVSKY 

FORMER DEAN OF THE FACULTY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY

 

PROFESSOR DANIEL A. BELL

CHAIR PROFESSOR 

SCHWARZMAN SCHOLAR PROGRAM

TSINGHUA UNIVERSITY

 

BENJAMIN ELMAN

PROFESSOR OF CHINESE HISTORY

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY

 

COL. (RET.) LAWRENCE WILKERSON

FORMER CHIEF OF STAFF TO SECRETARY OF STATE COLIN POWELL

 

ALEXIS DUDDEN

PROFESSOR OF JAPANESE HISTORY

UNIVERSITY OF CONNECTICUT

 

MICHAEL PUETT

WALTER C. KLEIN PROFESSOR OF CHINESE HISTORY

EAST ASIAN LANGUAGES AND CIVILIZATIONS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

 

PROFESSOR JOSEPH NYE

FORMER DEAN

KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

 

DR. RICHARD BUSH

DIRECTOR OF THE CENTER FOR EAST ASIA POLICY STUDIES

BROOKINGS INSTITUTION

 

PROFESSOR FRANCIS FUKUYAMA

SENIOR FELLOW AT THE CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT AND THE RULE OF LAW

STANFORD UNIVERSITY.

 

PROFESSOR EZRA VOGEL

HENRY FORD II PROFESSOR OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES EMERITUS

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

 

The Asia Institute Seminar Series

 

 

“한국에서 가장 시급한 일, 명칭 바로잡기” (중앙일보 2016년 1월 23일)

중앙일보

“한국에서 가장 시급한 일, 명칭 바로잡기”

2016년 1월 23일

임마누엘 페스트라이쉬

한국 경제와 정치에 대한 일반 국민의 불만이 엄청나다. 정부나 기업이 표명하는 우선순위와 서민 생활 사이의 괴리가 점점 커지고 있다. 괴리 심화의 원흉인 ‘나쁜 사람들’이 누군지 밝혀내겠다는 욕구가 국민 사이에서 점증하고 있다.

권한이 있는 자리에 있는 사람들 중 많은 이가 보통 사람들이 처한 곤경에 대해 무관심한 것도 사실이다. 하지만 그들이 국가 정책과 서민의 경제적 현실 사이의 단절을 초래한 원인은 아니다. 그보다는 시민과 통치자 사이에 있는 것으로 받아들여지는 계약이 붕괴된 게 진짜 원인이다.

이러한 근원적인 문제를 이해하기 위한 최선의 방법은 어느 정치인이 최근에 무슨 말을 했는지 곱씹는 게 아니다. 공자에게 가장 중요한 정치적 명제인 ‘정명(正名)’을 살펴보는 편이 낫다. 공자는 명칭과 현실 사이의 거리를 ‘정명’이 좁힐 수 있다고 봤다. 즉 제도와 직능을 기술할 때 우리가 사용하는 ‘명칭’, 그리고 제도와 직능이 시간 속에서 진화하고 변화하는 ‘현실’ 사이에 존재하는 불일치를 축소시킬 수 있는 수단이 ‘정명’이라고 공자는 파악했던 것이다.

우리는 정부•대학•변호사•의사•기업과 같은 제도나 직능의 명칭을 사용할 때 그 명칭을 이해하고 있다고 생각한다. 하지만 이러한 제도와 직능이 수행하는 기능은 지난 10여 년간, 특히 지난 5년간 급속하게 변화했다. 예를 들면 은행은 기술적으로 진화했고 극적인 방식으로 세계화됨으로써 은행이 사회 속에서 수행하는 기능과 목적이 근본적으로 바뀌었다. 슬프게도 모든 매체가 ‘은행’이나 ‘국회’ 같은 제도들이 어떻게 변화하고 있는지 한 걸음 물러나 생각해 보지 않는다. 매체들이 명칭을 원래대로 계속 사용하기 때문에 일반 국민의 혼란이 가중되고 있다.

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“Time for the US to Start a RIMPAC for Climate Change” (The Diplomat, January 20, 2016)

The Diplomat

“Time for the US to Start a RIMPAC for Climate Change”

January 20, 2016

 

 

Rising tensions between China and Japan over territorial issues, combined with disputes over historical issues such as the Korean comfort women, have created a political environment that encourages military responses and confrontation. The recent nuclear test by North Korea has heightened the distrust to such a level that we can look forward to a massive arms race that will involve not only the nations of Northeast Asia, but possibly those of Southeast Asia as well.

Now is the moment for moral courage on the part of the United States. The United States, and specifically the Pacific Command, must step forward and engage in honest and practical dialog on security issues. It needs to suggest innovative, collaborative approaches to security problems, interacting with all the nations of the region in a transparent manner that encourages cooperation, not competition. We must make sure that security and defense policies are not rooted in an unimaginative and outdated Cold War conception of deterrence and containment, but rather are responses to emerging nontraditional threats.

The recent Paris Climate Conference (COP 21 Paris) has laid down concrete demands for a rapid shift to a low-carbon model for development that should serve as the basis for closer collaboration in military affairs between the United States, Japan, Korea and China, and ASEAN nations.

The Pacific Command should engage all members of the Asian community in a deep dialog about how the region’s militaries can transform military relations in the region. This transformation would take place through the military’s transitioning to play a leading role in mitigating and adapting to climate change, and it would create a new, regional, cooperative culture in the Pacific.

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“采访哈佛大学的传奇院长亨利•罗索夫斯基” (今日亚洲 2016年 1月 20日)

 

 

今日亚洲

“采访哈佛大学的传奇院长亨利•罗索夫斯基

追求卓越的秘密和亚洲高校的前景”

2016 1 20

一明 (Emanuel Pastreich)

rosovsky     

 

———————————

一明:

自从第二次世界大战结束以来,哈佛大学就在世界上扮演了重要的角色。虽然哈佛大学的声誉由来已久,但历史上的哈佛大学,例如从上世纪初直到30年代时,它还无法和英国、德国或者法国的大学相提并论。那么哈佛大学之所以能获得今天的地位,其原因何在?
索夫斯基:
想打造一所伟大的大学绝非易事。我认为有一点十分重要,它通常都被人们所误解,尤其是在亚洲地区。打造一所世界一流的大学需要很长时间,而且毫无捷径。人们通常会想,如果我们投资足够多的钱,那么几年以后就能建成一所世界一流的大学。我在全世界各国都听到过这样的想法。然而在那么短的时间里并不会出现奇迹,它需要时间,也需要几代人的努力。

不过,有一些因素的确可以帮助我们开发一所大学的潜力,让它变得更加优秀。就拿哈佛大学来说吧,到了1936年建校三百周年的时候,它已经成为了一所世界一流的大学,然而也并没有达到今天这样的高度。

那么上世纪三十年代之后直到今天,哈佛又发生了什么呢?二战以后,美国的经济变得日益强大,吸引了全世界的许多资源和人才。这其中对哈佛大学的发展起到重要作用的人物是詹姆斯•布赖恩特•柯南特,他于1933年至1953年出任哈佛大学校长。
一明:

那么柯南特校长来到哈佛之后采取了什么特别的措施呢?
索夫斯基:

1933年他出任哈佛大学校长之后采取了一些改革措施,取消了一些守旧的做法,例如要求学生学习拉丁文课程等。他领导下的哈佛开始从更加广泛的社会群体中招收学生,而不仅仅是精英阶层。在他任期的前几年,哈佛研究生院还开始招收女学生。

不过他最大的贡献还在于制定了“不升职就走人”的政策。这个制度从二十世纪三十年代晚期至四十年代初期开始实行,哈佛的教授们有一个长达八年的试用期,在此期间如果不能完成逐年递增的科研任务,就会被学校解聘。

在那之前,哈佛有许多不错的人,但学校对他们没有特殊的要求,因此他们只是一辈子待在学校里,有些不思进取。他们当中有些人还是优秀的教师,但他们没有压力,所以不求事业的发展。

“不升职就走人”的制度并不是拍脑瓜政策,哈佛用这项著名的制度来评估他的专家教授们,用他们在某个领域所取得的学术成就来决定谁该升职。这项措施让评定教师职称的标准从学院内部的人际关系变成了学术领域的成就。

你可能已经注意到了,我刚才重点强调的是教师队伍的建设,而不是教学设施、预算、资助或者优秀的学生。我这么说是因为,作为一个拥有数十年工作经验的教师、学者和管理者,我相信教师队伍的素质决定了一所大学的质量,其他的东西都取决于教师队伍的建设。有优秀的教师,才能吸引优秀的学生,你的毕业生才肯为学校捐款。

哈佛的另一项创新之举是聘用学术行业里最顶尖的人才担任教职,我认为这让哈佛改变了许多。在二战结束后的日子里,哈佛一直在努力寻找最优秀的人才,而不是任人唯亲和依靠裙带关系,因此哈佛没有那种按照个人关系来决定教师去留的氛围。

作为一个学院的院长,我对哈佛的这种校园文化十分了解。我们所做的一切都是为了把世界上最优秀的人纳入麾下。

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Visit to Danwon High School (January 11, 2016)

Professor Kim Hyung-yul (chairman of the Asia Institute) and I drove down to Danwon to meet with several of the parents of the children who died o April 16 2014 when the Sewol Ferry they were riding on sunk and they were told to stay in their seats as the pilot of the ferry jumped off the boat to safety. The concern with a Korea that has become unlivable for young people, known popularly as “Hell Chosun” is best represented by this incident. The sinking ferry is considered as a symbol for the state and the students the young people who are abandoned by those in business seeking short-term profits.

We spent four hours at the makeshift memorial shrine to the students that has been erected near the district of Danwon. We also visited Danwon High School to see the classrooms that have been turned into shrines to entire classes of students who died together in the dark in corridors that had turned upside down and were flooded with cold water. The photographs taken at the very last moments by students have been banned from public release for the most part.

The temporary memorial to the victims of the Sewol Ferry sinking in Danwon.
The temporary memorial to the victims of the Sewol Ferry sinking in Danwon. The surviving students and parents have put enormous effort into creating an appropriate space, but the future of this memorial remains in doubt.

 

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Geography of tragedy.

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Pictures of the students who died are lined up inside the memorial.

 

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Offerings to the victims represented in the memorial are brought daily. Birthdays of students

are solemnly celebrated by family members and classmates.

 

 

chilrens

 

A personal note for a silent birthday.

 

Inside one of the classrooms in the high school which has been turned into a mausoleum.
Inside one of the classrooms in the high school which has been turned into a mausoleum. Each desk features items that belonged to the student. In one class, a single student survived to live on in shock.

 

The white board in four of the classrooms of Danwon are frozen in time.
The white board in four of the classrooms of Danwon are frozen in time.

Chinese section at Kyobo Books

There are many aspects of Kyobo Bookstore in Gwanghwamun that bother me. First and foremost is the decision to stop being a book store and turn into a department store that sells speakers, socks, candles, stationary supplies, bags and snacks. In addition the number of books lying on their sides (as opposed to on shelves) has increased, but the total number of books, and variety of books, has declined precipitously over the last eight years I have been coming here.

But by far the saddest part of the Kyobo Bookstore is the Chinese book section. As opposed to the English language section which includes a good stock, and a few worth reading, or the Japanese section, which is more limited, but still sufficient, the Chinese section is just four shelves in an extremely obscure corner. You would never find it if you did not ask.

The books are translations of Western (and some Japanese) mainstream works. Not a single book by a significant book by a Chinese writer is to be found.

Not sure I know why Kyobo has invested so little in the Chinese section, but it looks like a mistake granted just how important to Korea China has become.

The Chinese book section at Kyobo Books is only about four shelves and contains not a single significant Chinese book.
The Chinese book section at Kyobo Books is only about four shelves and contains not a single significant Chinese book.
The Chinese books are translations of Western and Japanese books or bland how-to books by unknown authors.
The Chinese books are translations of Western and Japanese books or bland how-to books by unknown authors.

“Why Wikipedia Is in Trouble” Emanuel Pastreich

Emanuel Pastreich

“Why Wikipedia Is in Trouble”

 

 

 

This Time Magazine article “Why Wikipedia Is in Trouble”

(January 14, 2016) suggests that Wikipedia is in trouble because of some obscure cultural inflexibility. Although the problems with Wikipedia, despite its considerable popularity, are quite serious, the article intentionally misdiagnoses the problem so as to distract the reader from the real issues.

The failure of the article is perfect representation of the profound corruption of popular media in the United States. One of the most powerful myths even today is that media is simply dying because of the internet. If the information in the was sufficiently relevant and accurate, people would pay for it on-line. The problem is rather that media is increasingly written to protect special interests, rather than to deliver media. Media content is more often a mixture of propaganda with a bit of truth to make an almost convincing argument that will impact perceptions while avoiding a rational argument.

Let us look at what the article states:

 

“The problem, most researchers and Wikipedia stewards seem to agree, is that the core community of Wikipedians are too hostile to newcomers, scaring them off with intractable guidelines and a general defensiveness. One detailed study from 2012 found that new editors often find that their first contributions to the site are quickly rejected by more experienced users, which directly correlates with a drop in the likelihood that they will continue to contribute to the site.”

 

I have had a variety of battles with Wikipedians and I do not believe that they are simply hostile to new comers because of some form of cultural conservatism. They are hostile to people who have a different conception of Wikipedia which they consider to be a threat to their economic and political interests. The problem not more, or less, complex than that.

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「日本の自衛隊が世界を救う 」 (ハフィントンポスト 2016年 1月 13日)

ハフィントンポスト

「日本の自衛隊が世界を救う 」

2016年 1月 13日

 

エマニュエル パストリッチ

 

 

領土問題をめぐる中国と日本の間の緊張の高まりは、韓国との慰安婦などの歴史問題をめぐる論争と組み合わさり、日本が隣国から軍事的にも政治的にも攻撃的だと思われる政治的な環境を作り出している。この傾向は、最近核実験を行った北朝鮮や、中国との対立に備えてますます保守反動化している米軍と相まっている。

こうした不信と競争のムードは、北東アジアに国が関与する大規模な軍備競争を呼び起こすだけでなく、おそらく東南アジアをも巻き込むかもしれない。

今こそ真の指導者として、日本は道徳的な勇気を奮い起こす瞬間である。日本は前進し、地域のすべての国との安全保障問題に関する誠実かつ実践的な対話に、競争ではなく協力を促す透明な方法で従事しなければならない。それは共同によるもので、安全保障問題への新しい、革新的なアプローチを示唆している必要がある。

日本の安全保障と防衛政策は、冷戦に基づく抑止と封じ込めという想像力に欠ける時代遅れの発想ではなく、新興の非伝統的な脅威への対策に立脚することを我々は確認する必要がある。日本がこうした転換を行うことができれば、追従者ではなく、リーダーの役割を果たすことができる。

最近行われたパリ気候会議(COP21パリ)では、日本、韓国、中国、及びASEAN諸国間の軍事における緊密な協力のための基礎となるべき開発のため、低炭素モデルへの迅速な移行の具体的な要求がなされた。

アジア各国の軍が気候変動の緩和と環境適応を達成するため、どう転換して行けばよいかについて、日本の自衛隊は、アジア共同体のすべてのメンバーとともに濃密な対談の場を開き、軍事において新たな国際協力の文化を築くことを目指すべきである。

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