Articles

“The next chapter in social media” (JoongAng Daily September 1, 2015)

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JoongAng Daily

“The next chapter in social media”

 

Emanuel Pastreich

September 1, 2015

 

It has always saddened me that although Korea led the development of social networks early on, it failed to make its flagship Cyworld into a global leader.

Unfortunately, Cyworld had no vision for itself as a global player and only belatedly launched an English-language version. It ultimately pulled out of the American market in 2010, and today Facebook, launched in 2004, has become the most favored social network worldwide, including in Korea.

But today we are on the edge of a new revolution in social networks, and Korea once again has an opportunity to establish itself as the global leader. Social networks are becoming extremely popular in countries like Vietnam, Mongolia and China. Yet, Facebook is not properly customized to the needs of local cultures and takes a one-size-fits-all approach to social networking.

The next generation of social networks should be run as a utility administered by a consortium of nations in the same way that a highway is run by local and central governments. Social-networking companies should use that infrastructure to build creative content.

A global consortium of governments for social networks can provide the large-scale investment needed to lay down the foundation for something beyond the means of any one corporation. Because the infrastructure, including the administration, will be built as a public service, we can be sure they will be developed with a long-term vision to address important societal issues.

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“사랑방 전통 살려 소셜미디어 주도하자” (중앙일보 2014년 8월 29일)

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중앙일보

“사랑방 전통 살려 소셜미디어 주도하자”

2014년 8월 29일

 

한국은 소셜네트워크서비스(SNS)의 발달을 선도했다. 애석하게도 싸이월드는 글로벌 서비스로 정착하지 못했다. 2002년 싸이월드가 세상에 내놓은 미니홈피는 인기가 대단했다. 2006년까지 한국 인구의 25%가 싸이월드 회원으로 가입했다. 사용자들은 생각이 같은 사람들과 인적 네트워크를 형성했으며 미니홈피를 창의적으로 꾸몄다.

불행히도 싸이월드에는 글로벌 비전이 없었다. 영어판 출시가 너무 늦었다. 영어판을 위한 투자는 최소에 그쳤으며 능력 있는 외국인을 채용하는 데도 인색했다. 결국 싸이월드는 2010년 미국 시장에서 철수했다. 2004년에야 서비스를 시작한 페이스북이 세계가 가장 애용하는 SNS가 됐다.

하지만 지금 우리는 새로운 SNS 혁명을 목전에 두고 있다. 한국이 SNS 강국이 될 수 있는 기회가 다시 찾아왔다. SNS는 세계 각국에서 엄청난 인기를 누리고 있다. 하지만 페이스북은 현지 문화의 필요에 제대로 부응하지 않고 있다. 단일 형태의 서비스만으로도 전 세계에 두루두루 통한다는 접근법을 구사하고 있다. 우리는 아직 SNS의 석기시대에 살고 있다.
제일 중요한 것은 국가들의 컨소시엄이 SNS를 공익 서비스로 운영하는 것이다. 사업자들은 컨소시엄이 깔아놓은 인프라로 창의적인 콘텐트를 만들게 된다. 컨소시엄은 어느 기업도 단독으로 감당할 수 없는 대규모 투자로 차세대 SNS의 기반을 마련할 수 있다. 인프라가 공공 서비스로 구축되기 때문에 SNS는 30년 이상의 장기적인 비전을 바탕으로 개발될 것이며 중요한 사회 문제들을 다룰 수 있을 것이다.

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韓国人だけが知らない別の大韓民国！　

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韓国人だけが知らない別の大韓民国！

 

韓国経済

 

エマニュエル・パストリッチ教授（慶煕大）の『韓国人だけが知らない別の大韓民国』という本を読んだ。「ハーバード大博士が見た韓国の可能性」という副題がついている。表紙を飾った彼の顔の上に「アジアに登場するもう一つの一等国は韓国だ」という刺激的な言葉が目を引く。

パストリッチ教授の韓国名はイ・マンヨルだ。韓国人の夫人の姓から付けた名前という。先日、偶然の機会に会って話をしてみると、実名より韓国名がよく似合うと感じられた。「最近は時々、英語の単語を思い出せず困る」と韓国語で冗談を言うほどだ。彼は韓日中３カ国の古典文学と歴史を深く研究し、博士学位を取得した。韓国の歴史と文化に対する見識が彼に比べて不足していることを恥じると、「その必要は全くない。私はそれを専攻した」と、むしろ私をかばった。

パストリッチ教授は、韓国は人口２０００万人を超える国のうち、植民地を経営した経験なく先進国になった世界最初の例だと指摘する。韓国戦争が休戦に入った１９５３年当時、ソマリアと似たレベルの経済力だった韓国が、わずか２世代で先進国入りした根本的な背景は何だろうか。その答えは韓国の過去にあるというのが、彼の主張だ。数千年間続いた知的・文化的伝統があったため、こうした奇跡が可能になったということだ。

それでも韓国人が“クジラ（日本・中国）に挟まれたエビ（韓国）”コンプレックスを抱え、過去を否定して克服の対象と考える現実があまりにも残念だと話す。韓国が一等国になるカギは自分たちの過去にあるにもかかわらず、なぜその“宝”に背を向けるのか分からないということだ。韓国の文化と伝統の価値をきちんと知らせ、正当な評価を受けることができれば、韓国は「コリアディスカウント」から抜け出すだけでなく「コリアプレミアム」を享受できると、彼は確信している。

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“Japan’s Peace Constitution is the future, not the past” (Asia Today 2015-08-13)

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Asia Today

“Japan’s Peace Constitution is the future, not the past”

2015-08-13

Emanuel Pastreich

Japan’s future role in global security is the most significant question in the minds of many in East Asia on the seventieth anniversary of the end of the Pacific War. Unfortunately, the drive of the conservatives in Tokyo to develop an assertive conventional military, something they consider to be a prerequisite to status as a “normal country” has resulted in an exponential rise in political tensions in East Asia and deep questions about what Japan’s long-term motives are.

Many within Japan itself question the rationale for such a rapid push to beef up the Japanese military, slough off the restrictions on military action dictated by the peace constitution and put Japan on a path to serving as a major supplier of weapons technology with a military that is activel engaged around the world.

Towards this goal Japan has embraced the ambiguous concept of “collective defense” which allows it to interpret its way out of the completely unambiguous Article Nine of the Constitution,  “land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained.”

Japanese conservatives suggest that Japan needs to shoulder its international responsibilities as a member of the G-7 and become a “normal nation” that can project military force. Although, in fact, Japan, with the seventh largest military budget, has gone already far beyond any normal nation in terms of its spending.

I can certainly understand the desire of the Japanese to be leaders and play a central role in international affairs. After all, Japan has a powerful economy, some of the most advanced technology and a remarkable cultural tradition. But the Japanese need to ask themselves a serious question: will Japan be a more of a global leader if it abandons its peace constitution, or if it embraces it and enhances it?

Many frown on any suggestions that the peace constitution might be relevant to our age. Recently, Robert Dujarric, a leading Japan security expert, went as far as to write that, “Article 9…is incompatible with surviving in a dangerous world. It’s a noble aspiration but is not policy-relevant.”

But what exactly is incompatible about the “peace constitution” and survival? Without any doubt the greatest threat today is from climate change, which will devastate the major coastal cities of Asia, dramatically reduce food productivity and make large regions of the world uninhabitable. A recent study headed by James Hansen, the former director of NASA’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies, suggests that staying within the internationally agreed goal of keeping the planet within the 2-degree Celsius temperature warming limit will not avoid the melting of the Antarctic and Greenland glaciers. The inevitable result will be the flooding of numerous major cities, like Tokyo, Shanghai and Busan, with seawater.

A “peace constitution” could be a major advantage to Japan as it works together with nations around the world to respond to this existential threat. For example, the peace constitution would force the country to dedicate its resources to emerging non-security threats, thereby making it far more prepared for the challenges of climate change because it does not spend as much on tanks and planes and other technologies that are not relevant to survival in a warming world. The result would not be a Japan that is not punching its weight in military affairs, but rather a Japan that is truly a leader for the first time in security issues.

Japan already has the advanced technologies related to climate change adaptation and mitigation, solar and wind power, electric batteries, and other systems for responding to an increasingly inhospitable environment.

Rather than trying to model Japan’s security strategy on that of the United States, a country that is in serious trouble because of its military over-extension, Japan should move in a more constructive direction, focusing on the one security threat that all experts agree on.

The Self-defense forces could be transformed into organizations that fully support the import of article nine, rather than contradict it, and thereby become models for positive institutional innovation.

For example, the future Ground Self-Defense Force could focus on the global battle against desertification and mass its resources to address the degradation of land and the destruction of forests around the world.

The Maritime Self-Defense Force could focus its attention on addressing the rising temperature of the ocean and the threat posed to the world by its growing acidification. The Self-Defense Force could also give attention to humanitarian relief related to climate change and stopping the dangerous overfishing of the oceans. Finally, the Air Self-Defense Force could devote its resources to the surveying the impact of global warming from the air and addressing problems related to the atmosphere.

It is no simple task to reinvent military. But it is not the first time in history that new circumstances have forced a radical rethinking of security priorities. Better to look at this challenge as an opportunity for Japan to return to its tradition of brave innovation and institutional reform. Finally, such a security strategy requires close engagement with nations throughout Asia and around the world that could make Japan the center of a new security network dedicated to this emerging threat.

The move beyond a conventional military is not an unrealistic pacifist impulse, but rather a historic decision by Japan to address the changing nature of security directly. Although Japan did not have had full autonomy to choose the peace constitution, Japan can chose its destiny this time, positioning itself to lead as nations around the world recalibrate to address the threat of climate change.

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“王도 나랏일 마음대로 못했던 조선의 권력분립·소통 배워야” (조선일보)

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조선일보 

“王도 나랏일 마음대로 못했던 조선의 권력분립·소통 배워야”

2015.08.13

“한국 공직자들이 해외 정책 사례를 찾아다니기보다 고유의 우수한 행정 시스템과 리더십을 배웠으면 한다.”

박근혜 대통령이 최근 우리 전통의 세계화를 강조하며 수차례 언급한 ‘한국인만 모르는 다른 대한민국’의 저자 이매뉴얼 페스트라이시 경희대 국제대학원 교수는 12일 본지 전화 인터뷰에서 “공직자들이 배워야 할 우수한 국가 운영 철학과 지도자상이 한국 역사에 많다고 생각한다”며 이같이 말했다.

그는 13일 과천 중앙공무원교육원에서 중앙 부처 실·국장과 지방자치단체 부단체장 등 1000여명을 대상으로 한 국정 과제 세미나 특강을 한다. 페스트라이시 교수는 “공직자들에게 선비 정신, 홍익인간의 민본주의, 다산 정약용의 통치 철학 등을 외국에 수출하는 역발상을 해보라고 제안할 것”이라고 했다.

그는 “한국에선 ‘민주주의는 서양에서 배워와야 한다’고 생각하더라”며 “그러나 (조선이 문을 연) 14세기부터 권력 분립과 투명한 행정, 책임감 있는 정치 리더십이 태동했고 17~18세기엔 당대 세계의 중심인 명·청보다도 우수한 통치 시스템을 자랑했다”고 했다. 또 “조선시대 왕(王)도 나랏일을 마음대로 할 수 없었다. 다양한 세력과 소통하고 권력을 나눠야 했다”며 “한국 고유의 정치 문화가 ‘권위주의 독재’라고 자학하는 것은 잘못”이라고 말했다.

미국인인 페스트라이시 교수는 하버드대 동아시아문명학 박사 출신으로 일리노이대 교수 등을 거쳐 8년 전 한국에 정착했다. 그는 “한국 공직 사회는 고학력 남성이란 비슷한 사람들끼리만 의사 결정을 하다 보니 창의적 아이디어가 안 나오는 것 같다”며 “예술가, 여성, 시민단체 출신, 외국인 등 이질적 집단이 정책 결정에 참여할 수 있어야 한다”고 했다.

 

“Korea’s Unique Position for Military Reform” (JoongAng Daily August 10, 2015)

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JoongAng Daily

“Korea’s Unique Position for Military Reform”  

August 10, 2015

Emanuel Pastreich

 

 

 

The United States Navy’s Pacific Fleet in Pearl Harbor hosts the biannual RIMPAC (Rim of the Pacific) Exercises in June and July, an immensely successful program that encourages global military cooperation and helps to reduce regional tensions in East Asia

The RIMPAC Exercises invite representatives of military forces from the entire Pacific Rim to participate in military exercises that promote enhanced interoperability between forces and improve readiness for a wide range of military scenarios. The most important result of the RIMPAC Exercises has been the growth of personal relations and practical military-to-military partnerships throughout the region at the working level.

Significantly, the People’s Liberation Army Navy was invited to participate in the 2014 exercises, marking the first time China has joined a large-scale naval drill organized by the United States.

In spite of headlines in newspapers about a “new cold war,” multilateral military cooperation remains a strong trend globally, in part because emerging security threats, like cyber warfare, by their very nature are complex and demand multilateral responses.

This new environment offers a tremendous opportunity for Korea as a middle power to become a leader in military innovation and reform. Korea is no simple middle power, after all. Korea is perhaps the first country without a tradition of imperialism to reach such a level of influence in technology, trade and culture. And Korea does so while maintaining good relations with all the major powers and with many developing nations.

Korea should organize a new variation on RIMPAC that will bring together working-level officers from Pacific Rim nations for exercises that will build a new level of trust in the region and make military exercises an opportunity for unity, rather than creating new tensions.

Such a new RIMPAC exercise should focus on emerging security issues and could extend participation to include the nations of Southeast and Central Asia.

The overwhelming security threat for Asia today is climate change and the new role of the military in mitigation of climate change. Adaptation to the resulting broad security threats would be an ideal theme for a Korean-led RIMPAC exercise.

In light of the recent report on the rapid rise of sea levels by the renowned NASA scientist James Hansen, formulating a global response to the threat of climate change has become a priority for all militaries, particularly the navy.

The Climate Change RIMPAC exercises would focus on drills for the response to security challenges related to climate change including, but not limited to, evacuation, disaster relief and reconstruction following storms and floods. Recent super-typhoons like Nargis (2008) and Haiyan (2013) demonstrate that climate change is overwhelmingly the greatest threat to security in Asia, and such storms will increasingly inch north as climate change progresses.

In addition to military exercises, the Climate Change RIMPAC should include global competitions by militaries of Asia for new environmentally friendly technologies.

The example of the U.S. Department of Defense’s “Smart Power Infrastructure Demonstration for Energy Reliability and Security,” or SPIDERS, program is a good example of what could be done. The SPIDERS program conducted in 2013 the world’s first-ever test of a micro-grid handling an input of 90 percent renewable energy.

The military representatives at the Climate Change RIMPAC could compete for prizes for new technologies in fields like solar and wind power, electric batteries, power grids, environmental conservation and the use of intelligence and surveillance technologies to monitor and respond to the changing state of the oceans using a multilateral platform.

Such competitions will have even more impact if they are held together with an international conference, where the invited militaries can present papers about their advances in fields related to climate change. Topics like recycling, energy efficiency, water security, electric motors and the prevention of desertification could be subjects for presentations.

Such a Climate Change RIMPAC could be an excellent topic to bring at the Barack Obama-Xi Jinping summit in November this year. When President Obama visited Beijing last year, the two leaders firmly stated their commitment to closer military cooperation and a joint response to climate change. The Climate Change RIMPAC would be a concrete step to bring together both issues.

The proposal for a Climate Change RIMPAC could segue to the Paris Climate Change Conference planned for December, where world leaders will be pressed to come up with concrete responses to the growing fears of climate change’s impact on the entire world.

Finally, a Climate Change RIMPAC could also be an opportunity to establish an international think tank in Korea dedicated to this emerging topic: the military’s role in the mitigation of, and adaptation to, climate change.

Although this topic is guaranteed to attract increasing attention in the years ahead, there is no such think tank in existence. Because of the global consensus on climate change, a think tank focused on military reform as part of a response to climate change would offer a neutral space in which military leaders could meet for discussions on a variety of topics without any fear of political fallout.

Considering the Green Climate Fund and Global Green Growth Institute are here in Korea, the country has unique credentials to host a Climate Change RIMPAC and set up a think tank focused on military reform and the response to climate change.

Korea needs to take advantage of its technical expertise, its military know-how and the geopolitical positioning necessary to respond to a rapidly growing threat.

 

“韩国，气候变化，军事联合训练” (中央日报 2015年 8月 8日)

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中央日报

“韩国，气候变化，军事联合训练”

2015年 8月 8日

 

 

总部设在美国夏威夷珍珠港海军基地的美军太平洋舰队(USPACFLT)是每两年于6、7月举行的环太平洋军事演习(RIMPAC)的主角。RIMPAC是通过全球军事合作减少东亚地区内部矛盾的非常成功的项目。

RIMPAC会邀请环太平洋地区的国家的军方代表参加。参与者们会增进各国军方的互操作性(interoperability)，提高应对各种军事突发情况的能力。RIMPAC取得的最重要成果是让代表各国的实务军事精英们聚在一起，与其它国家的同僚们建立个人人脉关系。

2014年RIMPAC取得的重要成果是邀请了中国人民解放军的海军参加。这是中国首次参与由美国主导的大规模海军训练。

翻看最近媒体的新闻标题，仿佛让人感觉“新的冷战”已经开始，但目前像RIMPAC这样的多边军事合作还是全世界的主要趋势。特别是网络战等新型的复杂安保威胁从本质上还是要求采取多边应对。这样的新环境为作为中等强国的韩国提供了成为军事领域革新与改革的主导国的巨大机会。

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“An African American’s Perspective on the Korean Wave” (Chosun Ilbo July 9, 2013)

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Mariesa Ricks
Mariesa Ricks

Chosun Ilbo

July 9, 2013

“An African American’s Perspective on the Korean Wave”

Emanuel Pastreich

I received an unexpected email in February 2013, from a young woman who was studying public health at Harvard University. Mariesa Lee Ricks explained that her mother was Korean and that she had a great interest in Korean culture. Mariesa said that she hoped to find out how K-Pop and Korean social media can play a role in bringing positive messages to youth around the world.

Mariesa added that she hopes to visit Korea to carry out research. I wrote back to her telling her that I would be in Boston soon for a business trip and we agreed to meet up while I was there.

I did not recognize her at first. I was taken aback for a split second when she introduced herself because she turned out to be African American, and I had imagined a half-Korean, half-Caucasian woman who looked like my daughter Rachel. I was impressed that Mariesa did not display the slightest sense of discomfort or uncertainty in the few seconds that it took me to get over my embarrassment. She was clearly an extremely mature and composed woman with a strong sense of herself.

We sat down at the café for a cup of coffee and muffins and Mariesa started to tell me how her research was far more than academic interest, but part of a vision for her own cultural and ethical mission and an extension of her experiences since childhood. The Korean Wave was an essential part of a search for greater diversity and acceptance of both herself and others. She imagined it as something far larger than just the catchy songs of Psy.

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“한국, 기후변화, 그리고 군사합동훈련” (중앙일보 2015년 8월 8일 )

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중앙일보

“한국, 기후변화, 그리고 군사합동훈련”

2015년  8월  8일  

 

 

 

임마누엘 페스트라이쉬

 

미국 하와이 주 진주만 해군 기지에 본부를 두고 있는 미국 태평양 함대(USPACFLT)는 2년마다 6·7월에 환태평양합동연습(RIMPAC)의 호스트가 된다. RIMPAC은 글로벌 군사 협력으로 동아시아 지역의 역내 갈등을 줄이고 있는 굉장히 성공적인 프로그램이다.

RIMPAC은 태평양 지역에 있는 나라들의 군 대표들을 초청한다. 참가자들은 각 군의 상호운용성(interoperability)을 증진시키고 광범위한 종류의 군사 시나리오에 대비할 능력을 향상시킨다. RIMPAC이 이룩한 가장 중요한 성과는 각 나라를 대표하는 실무자급 군사 엘리트들이 다른 나라의 동료들과 개인적인 친분을 쌓을 수 있게 한다는 것이다.

2014년 RIMPAC이 거둔 의미 있는 성과는 중국 인민해방군의 해군이 참가했다는 것이다. 미국이 주도한 대규모 해군 훈련에 중국이 참가한 최초의 사례다.

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“The future of Korea’s rural towns” (JoongAng Daily July 22, 2015)

by

JoongAng Daily

“The future of Korea’s rural towns”

July 22, 2015

Emanuel Pastreich

 

I was recently taken on a trip by a friend to a tiny village nestled in the mountains near Kumsan, South Chungcheong. We drove along winding roads lined with pine trees for some time until we found ourselves standing in front of a cluster of modest houses built in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

These wooden houses lining the ridge of a mountain were not well-maintained. Rusted pipes and broken windows were visible between the thick underbrush and vines that threatened to swallow them. But even more striking than the state of the disrepair of the buildings, was the age of the villagers. Villagers in their 70s helped those in their 80s and 90s with their groceries and cleaning because there simply was not anyone younger around. The lack of proper maintenance was because cleaning was too strenuous a task for them.

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